THE BEAUTY CONTEST AND THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE

In recent weeks, various pundits in Mississippi have begun to speculate about what some have called the upcoming "beauty contest" - that is, the Mississippi election in 2011 to determine who will succeed Haley Barbour as Mississippi's next Governor. In years past many statewide candidates trying to raise money to fund their "down-ticket" races for offices such as Treasurer, Insurance Commissioner or Auditor, have lamented that donors were only interested in giving money to their favorite candidate in the "beauty contest" - which does aptly describe the fact that, indeed, the Governor's race is the "main event" in the quadrennial statewide elections.

At this juncture, it appears that both the Democrats and the Republicans will stage healthy primary elections for Governor in 2011, with credible candidates that will stir the interest of the party faithful and lead to a clear choice between traditional Democratic and Republican values. However, there has been some speculation that prominent "wild-card" candidates might enter the race as independents or representing minor political parties, which could force the election of Mississippi's next Governor to be decided by the state house of representatives if the leading candidate in the November, 2011, general election fails to receive over fifty per cent (50%) of the votes cast.

According to Article 5, Section 140 of the MISSISSIPPI CONSTITUTION OF 1890, "The person found to have received a majority of all the electoral votes, and also a majority of the popular vote, shall be declared elected." However, Article 5, Section 141 then says "If no person shall receive such majorities, then the house of representatives shall proceed to choose a governor from the two persons who shall have received the highest number of popular votes . . . by VIVA VOCE vote . . . ." Section 140 of Article 5, of the Constitution, which was amended in 1982, states that persons receiving the highest number of votes in a legislative district of the house of representatives are awarded "electoral votes" for as many votes in the house of representative as that legislative district is entitled to receive.

The 1999 race between Democratic Lieutenant Governor Ronnie Musgrove and Republican Congressman Mike Parker was the closest gubernatorial race in Mississippi history. Out of almost three quarters of a million votes cast, Musgrove won 8300 more votes than Parker in a four-way election, but fell a fraction of a percentage point short of receiving a majority, as required by Mississippi's Constitution. Since neither candidate received a majority of the popular vote, the Mississippi House of Representatives had to select the winner. They chose Musgrove - the first time in modern history the election of a Mississippi governor was decided by members of the Legislature.

It is noteworthy that Article 5, Section 143 of Mississippi's Constitution also says that . . . "[a]ll other state officers shall be elected at the same time, and in the same manner as provided for election of governor". Mississippi has eight (8) "state officers" who are elected by a statewide vote, namely: Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Attorney General, Treasurer, Auditor, Insurance Commissioner, and Commissioner of Agriculture. The upcoming November, 2011, state elections in Mississippi will be held at a time when the mood of the electorate (reflective of the national mood) is one of anger, frustration and unpredictability. Numerous third-party candidates will likely enter the fray, and they will likely get a substantial number of votes. For example, candidates from the right-of-center Libertarian Party (Ron Paul followers) have been consistently receiving at least one (1) percent of the vote in Mississippi elections where that Party has fielded candidates for some time now.

If the third party candidates in Mississippi's 2011 elections gain sufficient votes to deny the front runner a majority of the popular vote and/or the electoral vote in 2011, the legislators who are members of the state's house of representatives will decide the winner. There are 72 Democrats and 50 Republicans presently serving as members of the House. If such an election were held today by voice vote in that legislative body, the presiding officer of the meeting would be the Speaker of the House - Democrat Billy McCoy.

ARE THE DEMOCRATS HEADED FOR A THUMPING?

After the 2006, Congressional elections, President George W. Bush commented that Republicans took "a thumping" in the House races; and indeed they did, losing control of the House leadership and bringing Speaker Nancy Pelosi to power after twelve years of Republican control.

Michael Barone, the highly respected political analyst for the WASHINGTON EXAMINER, and the author of THE ALMANAC OF AMERICAN POLITICS, believes it is likely that the House Democrats will be the ones taking the thumping in the November Congressional elections this year. In fact, he states that unless the shift of opinion away from the Democrats so evident in the polls turns out to be illusory, "House Democrats are headed toward historic losses." In an article written for REAL CLEAR POLITICS, dated July 29, 2010, he tells us why.

In his article, Mr. Barone points out that in regard to the generic ballot question ("Which party's candidate will you vote for in elections to the House?") asked of voters by most pollsters, the current realclearpolitics.com average shows Republicans ahead by 45 percent to 41 percent. Ten of 15 major opinion polls conducted in July asking the generic ballot question showed Republicans to be ahead; with Democrats leading in four (twice by 1 percent), and one poll showing a tie.

He then tells us that, historically, the results of the generic ballot question by pollsters "… has tended to under-predict Republican performance in off-year elections." Thus, Mr Barone boldly predicts that Republicans "… may be on the brink of doing better than in any elections since 1946, when they won a 245 - 188 margin in the House - larger than any they've held ever since."

In 1994, Michael Barone wrote an article in U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT in which he was the first to suggest that Republicans could actually gain the 40 seats then needed to capture a majority in the House of Representatives. This year, the results of the generic ballot polling, plus astounding polling results that show numerous attractive Democratic incumbent congressmen trailing their Republican opponents all across America, lead Mr. Barone to believe that a sea change of major proportions will take place in the House of Representatives elections in November.

If such a major shift occurs, Republicans would likely win not only the hotly contested congressional races such as the race between incumbent Travis Childers and Republican challenger Alan Nunnelee in Mississippi 1, but Republicans would also likely sweep aside such long-time Bluedog Democrat stalwarts such as incumbent Gene Taylor in Mississippi 4 as well.

On this past Sunday's talk show, FOX NEWS SUNDAY, Bill Kristol predicted that Republicans will pick up as many as 60 seats in the House races in November, 2010. I believe Kristol read Michael Barone's article in REAL CLEAR POLITICS before making such a prediction.

MISSISSIPPI'S 2011 ELECTIONS

In a recent column in the Jackson, Mississippi, Clarion Ledger (July 21, 2010) ("Will Legislature reassert dominance after Barbour era?"), longtime journalist Sid Salter addressed an interesting and relevant issue that has not previously been discussed publicly this year in Mississippi, although it has without doubt been discussed privately among potential candidates and others. While many of Mississippi's political pundits are focusing on the upcoming "beauty contest" (the Mississippi Governor's race), the role of the tea parties in the upcoming Congressional elections, or whether or not Haley Barbour will pull the trigger and run for President, I believe that Sid has put his finger on the single-most important issue facing Mississippians in the Magnolia State's 2011 statewide elections. How that issue is decided will shape the philosophical direction that Mississippi will take in the next four to eight years on the great issues of the day - Medicaid and Medicare; funding for public education; eminent domain and the role of government in economic development; taxation; crime; and generally the role of government in our everyday lives.
Sid is correct when he says that "[h]istorically, the Legislature has operated as the strong dominant policy maker in state government and the governor served in a more ceremonial and opinion-making role." This was certainly true in the twentieth century when virtually every Governor that held office, along with many scholars and others, proclaimed that the power of the Governor's office should be strengthened. In fact, some of Mississippi's most distinguished scholars and leaders during those years called for a constitutional convention in Mississippi with the express goal of doing away with certain elective offices and making them subject to gubernatorial appointment. In short, the Governor and the executive branch of state government appeared to be totally over-matched by the powerful legislative branch, which held the purse strings to the coffers housing taxpayers' dollars. Year after year, regardless of who held the Governor's office, the legislative branch was dominant, and its leadership was unified.
This political reality slowly began to change, however, with the coming of the two-party system in Mississippi. As more and more Republicans were elected to the state Legislature, the opportunity for conservatives to gather together and to support common goals increased. The real legislative shift, however, has taken place in the twenty-first century. In 2001, there were 86 Democrats in the Mississippi House of Representatives, 33 Republicans and 3 Independents; while in the State Senate, there were 34 Democrats and 18 Republicans. Today, the House still has 72 who call themselves Democrats but there are also 50 Republicans, who have formally organized themselves, adopted by-laws, and elected a floor leader, a conference chairman, and other officers in a manner similar to the structure of the Republican Conference in the Congressional House of Representatives. There is a real chance that there will be enough Republicans in 2011 to elect a GOP Speaker of the House.
In the State Senate, where Republican Lieutenant Phil Bryant presides, there are currently 27 Democrats, but there are also 25 Republicans. During the Barbour Administration years, Republicans have controlled the Senate with the help of a few conservative Democrats.
During the eight years of the Barbour Administration, Republicans in the Mississippi Legislature have basically agreed on most issues and maintained party discipline. In so doing, they greatly enhanced the power of the Governor. Whereas Governors were confronted in past years by a united legislative branch intent on holding tightly to the reins of state government and minimizing the power of the Governor's office, battles in state government suddenly shifted after 2001 to more healthy ideological battles between political parties on pocket book issues rather than endless fights between the Legislature and the Governor over which of the two branches of government would dominate the political landscape.
Since 2001, the elected leaders of both political parties have had healthy and constructive debates on public issues such as taxes, education, and health care; and the people have been better off for it. As a result, our citizens have been better informed and have not been distracted by side issues that have held the state back for generations. In essence, the emergence of a healthy two-party system in Mississippi has silenced any discussion of a need for a constitutional convention to enhance the power of the Governor or the executive branch.
The question has been raised as to whether a Republican Governor elected in 2011 could maintain party discipline among the Republican legislators in the years ahead. In his column, Sid asks a good question: "Does Mississippi want a strong governor like Barbour -- or a more traditional governor like former Governors Ray Mabus or Bill Waller, Sr.?" A second question might be whether the people want to continue to have a healthy two-party system in the Legislature, which will surely result in a strong support group in the legislative branch for whoever is elected Governor. The answer to these questions will determine the direction Mississippi will take in 2011 and beyond. One would think that Republicans have the advantage in 2011 - unless they get over-confident and begin fighting among themselves

DO WE WANT IT BADLY ENOUGH?

As we approach November, 2010, the nation's attention is beginning to turn to the Congressional elections which will take place on November 2nd. Here in Mississippi, two of our four Congressional seats are being hotly contested - both presently held by Democrats. In Mississippi's First Congressional District, Travis Childers, the Blue Dog incumbent who was elected two years ago to replace Republican Roger Wicker after Wicker was appointed to the United States Senate, is facing a strong challenge from Republican State Senator Alan Nunnelee. Childers is a former Chancery Court Clerk, a powerful position in county government in Mississippi, and he hails from rural Prentiss County, near Tennessee in the extreme northeast corner of the State and in the foothills of Appalachia. Nunnelee comes from the more urban and Republican-leaning City of Tupelo, which is located just south of Prentiss County and also in the northeastern portion of the Congressional District.

Childers is a friend and associate of the Speaker of the Mississippi House of Representatives, Billy McCoy, who also is a native of Prentiss County. Childers is also the logical heir of longtime former First District Congressman and populist Jamie Whitten, who was known for "bringing home the bacon" for his constituents while at the same time attacking the "left-wingers" in Washington. Nunnelee, on the other hand, is a fiscal conservative who has served effectively as chairman of the powerful Senate Finance Committee in the Mississippi Legislature during trying economic times; and, in cooperation with Governor Haley Barbour and Lt. Governor Phil Bryant, has helped the State balance its budget and preserve its rainy-day fund while at the same time preserved and increased Medicaid payments for the needy and enacted increased spending for education. Just as important, Nunnelee apparently has a united Republican Party behind him as he approaches the general election and has received the endorsements of his two opponents in the Republican Primary, who he defeated without a run-off after a spirited primary election contest. Mississippi Republicans will recall that Childers, the Democrat, won the Congressional seat to replace Wicker two years ago, after a bitter Republican Primary in which the Republican nominee failed to receive the endorsement of his defeated Republican opponent.

This year, Republicans as well as Tea Party conservatives, appear to be lining up behind Nunnelee although the National Rifle Association has endorsed Childers. On the other hand, Democrats also appear to be united in backing Childers, as evidenced by a recent fund-raising invitation sent out for Childers by a group of traditionally Democratic sponsors, including the Second District Congressman, Bennie Thompson who has great influence over the substantial African-American vote in the First Congressional District.

Recent polls have been published which show that Nunnelee presently leads Childers by less than 10 points, but most observers understand that this Congressional race is only just now beginning, although the candidates have been campaigning for months. What is clear at this juncture is that the majority of the citizens of the First District are upset and concerned about the economy and the future of America in general. Many now link Childers with President Obama, which is a plus for Nunnelee at the present time.

The race between Nunnelee and Childers is now clearly on the radar screens of both national parties and their Congressional campaign committees; and both candidates will be well financed as they campaign to the wire on November 2nd. Democrats understand that they must hold on to Congressional seats currently occupied by Blue Dog Democrats such as Childers, and must give him some latitude to take public positions on issues such as health care and gun rights that will appeal to conservative voters, without threatening to strip him of party seniority benefits. On the other hand, Republicans understand that if they are to recapture a Congressional majority in the House of Representatives and stop the out-of-control spending and government bailouts that have been a part of the Obama agenda, they simply must win districts where the voters are basically conservative. Simply put, if Republicans cannot win this year in the First Congressional District in today's environment, the District is likely to remain in the hands of the Democrats for the foreseeable future.

In my judgment, the race between a Nunnelee and Childers will be close and a "trend-setter" nationally. If Childers wins, look for the Democrats to lose some seats in the House of Representatives but retain substantial control with Nancy Pelosi re-elected as Speaker of the House (with the support of Childers). If Nunnelee wins, look for the Democrats nationally to have a long night.

If Mississippi Republicans can stay energized and united in the months ahead, Nunnelee should win this election. However, it is important that Republicans have a strong voter turnout in Tupelo and the northeast Mississippi area surrounding populous Lee County, where many self-styled "yellow dog Democrats" reside (citizens who would vote for a Democrat even if the candidate is a yellow dog). Just as important, it is crucial for Nunnelee that Republicans have a strong turnout further west in populous DeSoto County as well, which enjoys the fourth largest population in Mississippi and where most of its citizens work in Memphis and look to the Memphis media for their news. On occasions in the past and particularly in Presidential elections, voters in DeSoto County have turned out to vote in tremendous numbers and with substantial Republican majorities. In other elections, without national impact, voter turnout in DeSoto County has often been abysmal.

Voter turnout will likely determine the winner of the Nunnelee-Childers race on November 2nd. If Republicans want to win badly enough, this is our chance to take back the seat we should not have lost in 2008.

THE APPROPRIATORS

In May, 2010, three members of Congress were beaten in their bids for re-election within their own Party elections - a Republican Senator from Utah, a Democratic Congressman from West Virginia, and a Republican-turned-Democrat in Pennsylvania. Among them, they served 76 years in Congress (their fathers served another 42); and they all had one thing in common: They were members of an Appropriations Committee. It is also noteworthy (and shocking to some) that House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey (D-MI) suddenly decided to retire from Congress after a career of 41 years, rather than face the energetic campaign of a young Republican in his district.

In his recent article ("The Gathering Revolt Against Government Spending") in the EXAMINER, political analyst Michael Barone reminds us that on Capitol Hill, there is an old saying that there are three parties in Washington - Democrats, Republicans, and appropriators. However, Barone also takes note of these recent developments and concludes that "pork is not kosher" in this election year.

Barone correctly states that we have been told for many years that American voters are "ideologically conservative" and "operationally liberal" . . . another way of saying that they tend to oppose government spending in the abstract but tend to favor spending on particular programs. Anyone who has had any experience with county government knows this to be true. In my home county in Mississippi, we have not one but two paid lobbyists (one Democrat and one Republican), whose job it is, in part, to arrange face time with the members of our congressional delegation for county officials in search of funds to finance the latest road projects, water and sewer treatment facilities, etc.

In years past, Vice-President Walter Mondale once stated on a campaign trip to Mississippi that the State's two powerful Senators (Eastland and Stennis) were very even-handed in their efforts to control the flow of federal dollars to proposed worthwhile capital improvement projects across the nation. Mondale joked that their formula for dispensing federal funds was simple: one-half for Mississippi and one-half for the rest of the country.

Spending by the federal government on local projects began in a big way during the Great Depression and has thrived ever since. As stated by Barone, past rebellions against fiscal policies have concentrated on taxes rather than spending - such as the California tax revolt in the 1970s that led to Ronald Reagan's popular tax cuts after he became President. However, spending cuts did not follow under Reagan as he led the effort to dramatically increase the defense budget to confront the Soviet military buildup. Likewise, Bill Clinton's tax increases led to a Republican takeover and tax cuts at both the federal and state level. However, spending boomed under George W. Bush in the aftermath of 9/11.

Unlike previous rebellions against fiscal policies, the fiscal revolt in 2010 appears to be focused on the spending policies of the Obama Democrats. Barone says that what we are observing is "a spontaneous rush of previously inactive citizens into political activity . . . in response to the vast increases in federal spending that began with the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) in the fall of 2008; and accelerated with the Obama Democrats' stimulus package, budget and health care bills." It is a fact that federal spending is rising from about 21 percent to 25 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), which is high in historic terms.

The defeat of the three appropriators from both parties and the retirement of Congressman Obey is sending us a message this election year. Will Republicans come forward with a bold plan to roll back government spending? Barone tells us that "the natural instinct of politicians is to avoid anything bold." He points out that the conservatives in the recent British elections were faced with similar issues, but they were skittish about proposing spending cuts. The result was the conservatives in Britain fell short of the absolute majority they expected in their May 6 elections.

In the 2010 congressional elections, where Republicans likewise have high hopes, the issue may be whether Republicans will come up with a bold specific plan to roll back the spending of the Obama Democrats. I believe the voters are looking for such a plan, and Republicans need to supply it.


POST NOTE: I note with sadness the passing of Emett Barfield, a great man of faith and a deep religious thinker, who served as the pastor over the years of such diverse figures as William Winter and Clark Reed. I only came to know Emett well during his later years, but, like so many others, I am grateful that our paths crossed. R.I.P.

MEMORIAL DAY

Three years ago, I received an invitation from the Office of the President to attend a Memorial Day breakfast at the White House, just before the formal ceremonies that would later take place that day with President Bush speaking at Arlington National Cemetery and placing a wreath at the tomb of the Unknown Soldier. The invitation stated that I could bring a guest, and I asked my son to go with me. Both of us had attended college on U.S. Army ROTC scholarships and spent time in the military. My wife and I had been to the White House before on a number of occasions, but this invitation seemed special - and it was.

As the appointed day drew near, we flew to Washington and checked into our hotel the night before, near the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue. The next morning, we got up early to make sure that we would not be late. Then, in eager anticipation, we walked on a beautiful sunny day to the White House, passing by the famous Willard Hotel where many Presidents had visited and stayed overnight, including Abraham Lincoln. We also passed by the Office of the U.S. Treasury.

When we arrived at the east gate to the White House, we took our places in line to go through security, and I saw one familiar face - the Republican National Committeeman from California, who I knew to have a military background. Suddenly, I realized why I had been invited to this marvelous occasion - because, like my friend from California, I was a member of the Republican National Committee who also had served in the military. How honored I felt on that morning to be an American and to be, with my son, among the special few to be invited to the White House and to formally honor those who had made the ultimate sacrifice to preserve freedom in our county.

Once inside the White House, we passed by easily recognizable famous paintings of former Presidents and First Ladies; and the Marine Band, in dress uniform, was softly playing patriotic music. In the State Dining Room, we enjoyed making our selection for a light breakfast, laid out before us, cafeteria-style, by the White House chef. Then we enjoyed meeting Americans from all over this great land who were there to honor the fallen. Those attending included the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Secretary of Defense and many high ranking Admirals, Generals, elected officials, as well as a number of enlisted personnel.

We thoroughly enjoyed the privilege of meeting and visiting with several Congressional Medal of Honor recipients who proudly displayed their medals. Every one of those Medal of Honor recipients which we met, to a man, were soft-spoken, unassuming, and thoroughly authentic American heroes who symbolized what is great about America. We also met, there in the White House under the portraits of George and Martha Washington, a number of invitees dressed in motorcycle outfits; and we learned that they were the members of the famous motorcycle organization that attend funerals of our fallen soldiers across America. When necessary, with their motorcycles, they drown out the dissident voices of those who attend military funerals with the intent of making publicized statements of protest against a war that the United States is involved in.

The morning was complete when my son and I had our pictures taken with George and Laura Bush. Later, the President made a stirring address at Arlington in defense of liberty and the debt all Americans owe to their fallen soldiers. We, along with those that attended the breakfast, were filled with pride at the accomplishments of our defenders; and we were filled with the resolve that we indeed must remain steadfast in our defense of liberty, both at home and abroad.

I read that President Obama failed to attend the Memorial Day ceremony this year at Arlington National Cemetery; and he chose instead to go to Chicago, Illinois, to spend time with friends and family. He did mark the Memorial Holiday with remarks at the Abraham Lincoln National Cemetery, located about an hour outside Chicago.

It is my hope that, in the future and throughout his presidency, the President will chose to once again attend the Memorial Day ceremonies at Arlington, a place of tremendous symbolism. Erick Erickson of CNN stated that "going to Arlington to lay a wreath at the tomb of the unknowns has . . . everything to do with . . . showing some basic respect to the men and women, alive and dead, who have actually kept us free." I agree, particularly during wartime.

RUBEL PHILLIPS, GIL CARMICHAEL AND JACK REED

I was pleased, recently, to attend the Second Annual Pioneer Dinner of the Mississippi Republican Party in Jackson. It was a grand affair and was attended by in excess of 700 members of the Party faithful, as well as the family and friends of those being honored that evening. The Honorees were the seven men who had received the Republican nomination for Governor of Mississippi in the modern era (since the 1950's, during which the modern two party system in Mississippi began to emerge with the formation of "Democrats for Eisenhower"). Former nominees Gil Carmichael (1975, 1979); Leon Bramlette (1983); Jack Reed (1983; and present Governor Haley Barbour (2003, 2007) were in attendance. Only Rubel Phillips (1963, 1967); the late Governor Kirk Fordice (1991, 1995); and Congressman Mike Parker (1999), were unable to attend.

My wife and I were privileged to sit between Gil Carmichael and Jack Reed at the dinner; and the contributions that both made to the development and present success of the modern Mississippi Republican Party were significant. It is a noteworthy footnote of Mississippi history that when Gil was running for the U.S. Senate in the early 1970's, against Senator Jim Eastland (the powerful chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee), Vice President Spiro Agnew came to Jackson to endorse the candidacies of then- congressional candidates Thad Cochran and Trent Lott; but on the instructions of President Nixon, he refused to endorse the immensely popular Gil Carmichael, who was required to remain at Republican Party headquarters, during the endorsement festivities which were held two blocks away in front of the Old Capitol Building. Gil stood tall among Mississippi Republicans then and he is still an icon today. His fine son, who resides in Meridian, Mississippi, followed Gil's example and served effectively on the Republican State Executive Committee for a number of years.

Jack Reed was a highly respected and very influential state and community leader when he became the standard bearer for the Republican Party in 1987. Whereas prior to that time the growth of the State Party had been centered primarily in the Jackson area, large municipalities, and the Mississippi Gulf Coast, Jack brought new organized growth to the Party from North Mississippi and the foothills of Appalachia.

Jack's opponent in the 1987 Governor's race was the highly visible State Auditor, Ray Mabus, who had successfully spearheaded the widely publicized federal and state investigation called "operation pretense". Operation Pretense resulted in federal convictions of numerous county elected officials who engaged in fraud and received "kick backs" in exchange for favors to their constituents.

Although Jack had never previously run for any elective office, he was an effective campaigner and was able to raise the necessary funds to wage a credible campaign against his highly-favored and much more well known Democratic opponent. He ran as a successful business and community leader with a strong vision for education, and he finished the race by receiving an astonishing 47% of the vote, the highest percentage of votes received by any Republican candidate for Governor at that time in a relatively low-key race.

In retrospect, Jack Reed's strong showing in 1987 was a signal to thoughtful political observers that there was, for the first time, a "third rail" in Mississippi politics. A legitimate two-party system was emerging in the state. By 1987, Thad Cochran and Trent Lott had been elected to Congress, and Jack Reed proved that a progressive, successful businessmen who espoused conservative Republican principles had a real chance of being elected to statewide office. The old one-party system comprised of segregationists, "Mississippi Democrats", and moderates was on its way out. It is noteworthy that Kirk Fordice defeated Ray Mabus and became Mississippi's first Republican Governor in 1991.

Jack Reed remains as a highly successful and influential community and state leader today. His son is the Republican Mayor of Tupelo.

The principal Honoree at the 2010 Pioneer Dinner was Rubel Phillips, Mississippi's first Republican modern day nominee for Governor in 1963, who was ill and could not attend. I was in college in 1963 and well remember Rubel's campaign slogan: "Kayo the Kennedys". He knew then what we Republicans need to remember today, which is that the vestiges and roots of the old depression-era Democratic Party remain strong and that Mississippi Republicans must tie their Democratic opponents to the ultra-liberal policies of the National Democratic Party and not allow their local opponents to "run to the right" before they go to Washington to vote for Nancy Pelosi for Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.

Rubel was a true Pioneer of the Mississippi Republican Party. He was the first to "step up" in his race for Governor and publicly put his economic interests and his reputation on the line for a cause greater then himself. He was and is a great man, who has to this day remained active in the Mississippi Republican Party. We Mississippi Republicans owe him, and we owe him big.